Any analysis of the FairTax (or any other type of tax reform) must consider the way in which tax incidence is reapportioned and redistributed after shuffling the deck and starting over with a fresh deal. The precise end result is often dependent on a number of variables -- and in some respects is not likely to be entirely clear or predictable -- but for the sake of discussion, let me just offer a few observations.
First, consider this excerpt from a post made by Chica Chaser last May in the long FairTax thread:
http://www.eccie.net/showpost.php?p=...1&postcount=58
Key excerpt:
In our view (and that of many economists), the true measure of the fairness of a tax is not what the rate may be but rather how much wealth each income segment, at different periods of life, has left to spend on itself after taxes are paid. By this measure, the FairTax is the only tax proposal that actually increases the purchasing power of every income segment while delivering the greatest improvement to the poor, the second greatest improvement to those in the middle class, and the smallest – but still significant – relative improvement to those at upper-income levels.
(end of excerpt)
That was from a rebuttal offered by fairtax.org in response to factcheck.org's criticism of the plan. The FairTax supporters clearly claimed that under their tax plan, everyone would be better off, while no one would be worse off. Yet supporters also claim that the plan is "revenue-neutral;" this is, it would raise the same amount of revenue as the existing federal tax system.
But you cannot reasonably claim that all those things could be simultaneously true without using a significant amount of legerdemain. Where is it?
Well, for starters:
And to briefly address the 23% v 30% issue: It has been estimated that the average embedded cost of tax and tax compliance built into everything we buy is 23% of the total price. The FT promoters use that figure to illustrate that the FT is replacing what consumers are already paying for.
Originally Posted by CuteOldGuy
Estimated by whom, and upon what basis?
It looks to me like someone advising the FairTax campaign figured out how to arrive at an estimate for invisible "embedded taxes" priced into the stuff people buy that exactly matches the "tax-inclusive" (23%) FairTax paid by the consumer at checkout time. How convenient! But does it make any sense?
FairTax supporters seem to accept this without question in furtherance of the claim that workers get to keep their "entire paycheck," while at the same time not bear any of the burden of the FairTax. That's because after the elimination of all personal and corporate income taxes, the removal of embedded taxes will supposedly result in a very large (23%) across-the-board drop in prices. That's tantamount to claiming that virtually the entire federal tax burden (income and payroll) will be removed from middle class workers and other taxes will not be levied on them in a different way, while the disappearance of taxes "embedded" in products and services causes the prices of everything they buy not to rise -- even after taking into account that consumers would then pay a 30% sales tax at the time of final sale. Do you not see a problem with these assumptions?
Please re-read this excerpt from my prior post:
Apparently it's assumed that embedded taxes and tax compliance costs could be reduced by enough to fully cover the FairTax paid on finished goods.
But let's back up and consider just a couple of points. The issue of "embedded taxes" mentioned here largely has to do with what is referred to as "tax incidence." Although I mentioned that term in another thread, I may not have been very clear about its implications. A naturally arising question involves exactly whom a particular type of tax is incident upon -- in other words, who actually bears the burden of the tax. (It's very often not the same entities or persons that actually write the checks to the Treasury.) In the case of the corporate income tax, it's now generally considered that the burden primarily falls on consumers and workers rather than capital, whereas a few decades ago most economists seemed to believe that the reverse was the case. So with respect to corporate income taxes, you can look at the corporation as largely a sort of tax collector, or "pass-through" vehicle.
To carry this a little further, let's look at the amount of corporate tax actually paid (although primarily not incident upon the corporation itself) and compare that with the aggregate amount of the proposed FairTax on final sales. The first thing to note is that corporate taxes are paid on profit margins, which in the case of many manufacturing companies are in single digits as a percentage of sales. And since the effective corporate income tax rate is considerably lower than the FairTax rate, it's easy to see that any portion of "embedded taxes" arising from the elimination of the corporate income tax would be a very small percentage of the FairTax burden borne by consumers, and in any case considerably less that 10% of the latter in most instances.
But what about the employer's contribution to the payroll tax? There's general agreement that the employers' portion is actually a tax that's primarily if not fully incident upon workers, not capital, and it's hard to see how any shift associated with the implementation of the FairTax would significantly affect any analysis of embedded taxes.
Compliance costs such as tax preparation and legal fees, although not trivial, cannot possibly add up to more than a very small percentage of net sales, so I have a great deal of trouble believing that prices would fall noticeably as a result of the FairTax's enactment.
How does someone come up with such an astonishingly high estimate of embedded taxes?
I'm not sure, but believe I can make a pretty good guess. Economists of various stripes create mind-numbingly complex, virtually incomprehensible models that purport to show one thing or another, and many are designed in such an obfuscatory manner that no one can say with any degree of certainty just exactly what the hell they say. But they may still be used to serve a particular purpose.
In other words, you can design a model that says almost anything you want it to say. That's how we get all the nonsensical stuff that allows politicians, pundits, and various left-wing economists to claim that things like political payoffs to favored constituencies are great "job-creating programs," since they produce fiscal "multipliers" of something near 2.0.
As you can see, the claim is clearly that the middle class would be
much better off under the FairTax. And, of course, the poor would be doing well largely due to the "prebate." Finally, the plan would represent a very large tax cut for the affluent, and I don't think that's remotely arguable.
I do think FairTax supporters make some very good points in one respect, though. The corporate income tax is a very poorly-designed clusterfuck that either needs to be radically reformed or (preferably) eliminated in favor of another form of taxation. Even many liberal economists such as Jason Furman are in general agreement with that sentiment.
But at the end of the day, whatever tax system we adopt has to be saleable as well as efficient and not economy-impeding. In the case of the FairTax, supporters rely on analysis done with quite a few extravagant claims and sleight of hand in what seems to me a forlorn effort to make the numbers work.